Written by Azka Zia.
“We have run out of tricks, but the people haven't run out of expecting tricks.”
― R.A. Lafferty, Past Master”
Following The Globe and Mail's publication of reports concerning alleged Chinese interference in Canadian elections, opposition Members of Parliament (MPs) have been calling for a comprehensive public inquiry to investigate these allegations. The newspaper cited undisclosed intelligence sources indicating that China preferred the re-election of Prime Minister Justin Trudeau's Liberal Party in the 2021 election and allegedly worked towards defeating Conservative politicians seen as unfavourable to Beijing.
Recently, David Johnston, the special rapporteur tasked with investigating the matter, resigned amidst accusations of bias towards the prime minister. Johnston attributed his resignation to the "highly partisan atmosphere" surrounding his investigation.
While Ottawa decides who to appoint for the role next, let’s look at the several key figures in our story. Among them are prominent Canadian politicians like Justin Trudeau, Pierre Poilievre, and Jagmeet Singh. Additionally, Canadian politicians of Chinese origin, including Toronto MP Han Dong, Conservative MP Michael Chong, New Democrat MP Jenny Kwan, and their families, have become targets of Chinese interference.
However, there is a significant group that has largely gone unnoticed but is equally important — the Chinese diaspora based in Canada.
They have suffered the brunt of the foreign intimidation tactics. Earlier in May, former CSIS senior official Michel Juneau-Katsuya testified that Beijing has interfered in Canadian politics for decades but every government has ignored CSIS warnings. According to CBC and Radio Canada, CSIS knew of Chinese officials travelling to Canada “to threaten and intimidate Chinese Canadians and permanent residents into returning to China,” which generates questions about the kind of safety afforded to Chinese Canadians. This admission by Canada’s security agency echoes warnings that the community had been - relentlessly and at the risk of personal harm - giving about undercover agents and intimidating phone calls for decades.
Our story is about trust in Canadian democratic institutions and its public officials, a story that is not looking too hopeful right now. Our focus is on how that story is playing in the media that serves immigrant communities, including and beyond the Chinese constituency. The focus of this ethnic media both contrasts and complements the mainstream media, bringing different lived experiences into the conversation.
In his report released last month, Johnston said he investigated the allegations in depth and assessed whether the Liberal government had ignored threats or advice from national security agencies. Let’s quickly go over the main points from the report. First, Johnston says “foreign governments are undoubtedly attempting to influence candidates and voters in Canada.” Second, some leaked materials were “misconstrued” in media reports. Third, there are serious gaps in the intelligence-sharing “machinery” of the government. Fourth, a public inquiry cannot be held, he says, due to the classified nature of information in the case, but public hearings will be. The former governor general also said there is no evidence supporting the claim that 2021 Conservative candidates lost because of foreign interference. And finally, that Toronto MP Han Dong did not recommend the detention of Canadians Michael Kovrig and Michael Spavor. Dong has since been re-invited to the Liberal caucus by Trudeau, as reported by multiple ethnic media outlets, including Sing Tao Vancouver, Ming Pao Toronto, CFC News, CHIN TV Ora Qui, and CHIN FM 100.7 Italian. Johnston’s final report was due by the end of October, but now someone else has to take up the mantle.
The problem lies in Johnston's choice to forgo a public inquiry, which hampered full transparency with the Canadian public. Lingering concerns continue to revolve around the fear and isolation felt by the Chinese Canadian community, which has been subjected to heightened scrutiny based on their connections to their country of origin.
And while we can certainly criticize the system, it is crucial to recognize that it is not broken; rather, it was intentionally designed to safeguard the interests of the powerful while leaving the most vulnerable individuals to fend for themselves.
A lot happened “in the system” in the weeks in the lead-up to Johnston’s report.
The Pierre Elliott Trudeau Foundation, established by friends and family of Pierre Trudeau, came under fire for being part of a “Chinese-directed influence operation targeting” PM Trudeau, as The Globe and Mail puts it. Founding member of the Pierre Elliott Trudeau Foundation and the PM’s younger brother, Alexandre Trudeau, dismissed reports that the charity was the target of foreign interference; he said the two Chinese men who made donations are respected and admired in China. But does this dismiss the possibility that, liked and respected as they may be, the sizeable donation was an attempt to influence Trudeau and his family on behalf of the Chinese government?
For what it is worth, Trudeau says the donations were negotiated before his brother became prime minister, as Tamil Radio Channel CMR FM and the Chinese Sing Tao Vancouver report. The foundation also claims it returned the payments of $140,000.
On the other hand, Chinese diplomat Zhao Wei is accused of being part of efforts by his government to target Conservative MP Michael Chong and his family following Chong’s 2021 parliamentary motion calling on Canada to declare China’s treatment of the Uyghurs as genocide. Wei has since been declared “persona non grata” and expelled by Canada. In retaliation, the next day, China expelled Canadian diplomat Jennifer Lalonde in what it calls a “reciprocal countermeasure” for the “unscrupulous” expulsion of Wei.
The Cantonese radio station CHMB AM 1320 recently discussed the presence of 176 Chinese nationals with diplomatic credentials in Canada, raising concerns about China's "disproportionate attention" towards Canada. The radio station also suggested that there may be other diplomats who have potentially "crossed the line," while Michel Juneau-Katsuya, the former CSIS Asia-Pacific chief, stated that a majority of Chinese diplomats in Canada are allegedly involved in espionage. Sing Tao, the Chinese daily, further reported that "some national security experts” believe the significant disparity in numbers could indicate that “diplomatic influence has tipped over into interference."
In his 55-page report and presentation on May 23, Johnston substantiated that there are “serious shortcomings in the way intelligence is communicated and processed from security agencies through to government,” but found no evidence of negligence or tolerance on behalf of public officials - this was, as CBC put it, “the most explosive insinuation made by the opposition.” Johnston added that media reports about interference lacked context and key information, and suggested that opposition leaders get classified briefings and review the intelligence he saw. In some cases, he says, the reporting was completely false.
None of this has gone down well with opposition parties who have blasted Johnston's recommendation and renewed their demands for a public inquiry.
The Urdu Voice of Canada raises an important question: What evidence supported Johnston's recommendation against a public inquiry? We were asked to simply accept his word without concrete evidence. Johnston's own reputation is damaged with accusations of conflict of interest. He and Trudeau are self-declared friends. This has led to Poilievre labelling Johnston’s job as “fake” and referring to him as the prime minister’s “ski buddy” and “cottage neighbour.” Bloc Leader Yves-François Blanchet and Jagmeet Singh also voiced concerns about the rapporteur’s credibility given his personal connection to the Trudeau family. Johnston’s response? He said MPs’ repeated attack on his credibility does not make the allegations “true.”
Poilievre had declined to meet with the rapporteur, citing limitations on his ability to publicly share classified information. Certainly, he must also fear that meeting Johnston would lend credibility to his point of view. The Conservative leader also rejected the offer of a top security clearance to review the intelligence that informed Johnston's report, arguing he didn’t want to be “silenced” and prevented from sharing information publicly.
As the pressure heated up, several ethnic media revealed that Johnston hired a communications firm known for its crisis communication to support him and taxpayers footed this bill. Johnston’s appointment was contentious to begin with. Jagmeet Singh, leader of the NDP, has been a vocal critic of his, accusing him of being “tone deaf” in his refusal to step down, despite most MPs adopting an NDP motion for Johnston to step down from his role. For several weeks, Singh has been facing criticism of his own too - for dismissing calls to end his party's deal with the Liberals. Singh says that confidence in the electoral process must be restored before making any decisions that could lead to a Canadian election, but many are wondering why he chooses to stay loyal to Trudeau over performing his duty as a public official.
Amidst these rapidly unfolding events, it is crucial to consider the impact on the Chinese Canadian community, which has been the target of Chinese meddling. This community has been facing fear, stigmatization, and alienation. Their connections to China have come under scrutiny, which contradicts Canada's claim of valuing multicultural communities and embracing diversity. It is important to support diasporas from oppressive regimes rather than alienate them in Canada.
Two days after Johnston's speech, a Mandarin news channel aired a segment quoting legal experts that appointing a judge with full subpoena powers, instead of relying solely on the advice of Johnston, would instil greater trust in the government's handling of Chinese state interference. According to them, conducting a comprehensive public inquiry into China's meddling in Canadian politics would help restore public faith in Ottawa's commitment to addressing this matter seriously.
Former Conservative MP Kenny Chiu, who has been a target of Beijing, expressed his disappointment in Johnston's decision not to call for an inquiry. The former MP has blamed Beijing's alleged election meddling for losing his seat in the 2021 election. He claims to have been the target of propaganda and disinformation on WeChat, a Chinese-owned messaging app, where information circulated that his private member's bill would unfairly target Chinese Canadians. Johnston’s report acknowledges the disinformation about Chiu, but - the CBC writes - it cannot be linked to a “state-sponsored source.”
Appearing before the Procedure and House Affairs Committee earlier this month, Johnston expressed his eagerness to get on with the job and hold public hearings as early as July. The hearing began with a focus on his connections with the prime minister and his family, his connection with the Pierre Elliott Trudeau Foundation and his legal advisor’s past donations to the Liberal Party. He stressed that his opinions in his report were his alone. Singh personally took part in the hearing too and questioned the basis for Johnston’s assessment that the prime minister and his ministers did not knowingly or negligently fail to act. Johnston, in response, acknowledged the shortcomings of the government and admitted that they have been “slow to react, slow to anticipate in many instances.” He emphasized the need for changes to address these shortcomings.
On June 1, a Cantonese news segment commented that concerns about foreign interference in Canada's democratic process continue. The same day, the Urdu weekly Pakistan Post reported that Michael Chan, a former Ontario cabinet minister implicated in intelligence leaks related to Chinese interference, is suing CSIS, alleging public humiliation based on “stereotypical typecasting of immigrants born in China as being somehow untrustworthy.” Furthermore, on June 5, Italian paper Corriere Canadese reported that three out of four Canadians don’t trust Johnston while 47% disapprove of the Trudeau government's handling of the situation.
Our story is about trust. Trust in immigrants. Trust in democratic institutions. Trust in the ability to find truth. The primary criticism against Johnston was centred around his blind spot for Trudeau given their friendship. Even if he could exercise unbiased judgement in this matter, would it not have been reasonable for us to wish the Prime Minister had chosen someone else for the task, someone with whom he had no prior personal connection? And though Johnston is headed out the door, one wonders what kind of precedent has already been set.
Chinese Canadians say they want action on foreign agent registry, not lengthy public hearings, reports Mandarin Talent Vision TV. What happens now, considering we have established the existence of foreign political influence in Canada? To what extent has the purpose of a public inquiry truly been focused on safeguarding national interests, and to what extent has it been motivated by a desire to shield oneself from criticism?
Amidst these circumstances, it is essential for us to introspect and question ourselves: Is Canada adopting the American policy towards China? Shouldn't we establish our own independent policy? While we acknowledge that China's lack of democracy is not in line with our values, it is crucial to determine where we draw the line.
This inquiry holds significance because the Canada-China cold war has extended its impact to various economic sectors. According to a Mandarin news channel, the University of Waterloo is terminating its research partnership with the Chinese tech giant Huawei due to mounting concerns about the interference. This action is aimed at protecting the integrity of scientific research at the institution. Additionally, The Toronto Star reports that Canada intends to publicly identify “foreign-state-connected universities, research institutes, and laboratories” that pose a risk to national security. Such a move could potentially lead to a loss of $100 million or more for the Canadian research community.
Moreover, Canadian public pension funds' investments in China have also come under scrutiny. CP24 has highlighted allegations that some of these investments are financing the oppression of China's Uyghur minority. Consequently, tensions have seeped into the lobster industry as well. A Mandarin news channel reports that a Member of Parliament from Nova Scotia has expressed concerns about the increasing Chinese influence and control over the province's lobster industry supply chain.
As a country heavily reliant on trade, Canada's survival is closely tied to its relationship with China. According to a University of Alberta analysis, Canada imported a record $100 billion worth of goods from China by the end of 2022, up from $86 billion in the previous year. Canadian exports to China also reached a record high of $20.6 billion. Carlo Dade, Director of the Trade & Investment Centre, has emphasized the need for Canada to strengthen its engagement with China. With trade accounting for two-thirds of Canada's gross domestic product, the country must interact with China, the world's second-largest economy, to meet its domestic needs.
However, challenges have arisen in this relationship. For instance, the Chinese ban on Canadian beef, which was initially expected to be temporary, has remained in place for 17 months. China has been blocking beef shipments from Canadian processing plants since an atypical case of BSE (bovine spongiform encephalopathy) was discovered on an Alberta farm in December 2021. The fact that China has lifted similar restrictions against beef imports from other countries suggests that politics may be playing a role in the prolonged ban.
While Canada cannot afford to completely isolate itself from China, it needs to establish boundaries and frameworks to minimize espionage activities. The strained relations between the two countries will have an impact on Canadian businesses that have expanded into China in recent years, such as Canada Goose, Lululemon, and Tim Hortons. Additionally, the tourism industry will be affected. In 2019, over 700,000 Chinese tourists visited Canada, according to Destination Canada. As Trade & Investment Centre Director Dade says, “As we've learned in Western Canada, even if you run outside of China, you still encounter China.”
Overall, Canada must navigate its relationship with China carefully, finding a balance between safeguarding its interests and maintaining vital economic ties.
As highlighted by Bhagwant Sandhu in the Hill Times, the United States may be in an “existential funk” with China, but there is no need for us to share the same “anxiety and paranoia.” Our European allies certainly have gone a different way. French President Emmanuel Macron during his visit to Beijing in April emphasized France's pursuit of its own strategic interests. Why can’t Canada do the same?
It could help the Liberals in the polls, come election day. A Tagalog news channel reports on an Angus Reid (pre-Johnston) poll that 52% of respondents believe a public inquiry into foreign interference is necessary. Another pre-Johnston report by Nanos Research suggests that if an election were to occur now, the Conservatives would secure 35.5% of the votes, the Liberals 26.7%, and the NDP 21.8%. A poll by Abacus Data puts the Conservatives at 33% of Canadians, the Liberals at 30%, and the NDP at 18%.
Once again, the central issue revolves around trust in Canadian democratic institutions, which is currently not in favour of the ruling party, as shown by the polls.
Ultimately, the proposed public hearings and the findings by special rapporteur Johnston will continue to haunt the government in the coming months. But our focus should now be on the public's trust in democracy, rather than partisan politics. The overarching question, and one that we will continue in the next blog in the series, remains whether Canada's democratic system is robust enough to withstand interference from external or internal forces.
“We have run out of tricks, but the people haven't run out of expecting tricks.”
― R.A. Lafferty, Past Master”
Following The Globe and Mail's publication of reports concerning alleged Chinese interference in Canadian elections, opposition Members of Parliament (MPs) have been calling for a comprehensive public inquiry to investigate these allegations. The newspaper cited undisclosed intelligence sources indicating that China preferred the re-election of Prime Minister Justin Trudeau's Liberal Party in the 2021 election and allegedly worked towards defeating Conservative politicians seen as unfavourable to Beijing.
Recently, David Johnston, the special rapporteur tasked with investigating the matter, resigned amidst accusations of bias towards the prime minister. Johnston attributed his resignation to the "highly partisan atmosphere" surrounding his investigation.
While Ottawa decides who to appoint for the role next, let’s look at the several key figures in our story. Among them are prominent Canadian politicians like Justin Trudeau, Pierre Poilievre, and Jagmeet Singh. Additionally, Canadian politicians of Chinese origin, including Toronto MP Han Dong, Conservative MP Michael Chong, New Democrat MP Jenny Kwan, and their families, have become targets of Chinese interference.
However, there is a significant group that has largely gone unnoticed but is equally important — the Chinese diaspora based in Canada.
They have suffered the brunt of the foreign intimidation tactics. Earlier in May, former CSIS senior official Michel Juneau-Katsuya testified that Beijing has interfered in Canadian politics for decades but every government has ignored CSIS warnings. According to CBC and Radio Canada, CSIS knew of Chinese officials travelling to Canada “to threaten and intimidate Chinese Canadians and permanent residents into returning to China,” which generates questions about the kind of safety afforded to Chinese Canadians. This admission by Canada’s security agency echoes warnings that the community had been - relentlessly and at the risk of personal harm - giving about undercover agents and intimidating phone calls for decades.
Our story is about trust in Canadian democratic institutions and its public officials, a story that is not looking too hopeful right now. Our focus is on how that story is playing in the media that serves immigrant communities, including and beyond the Chinese constituency. The focus of this ethnic media both contrasts and complements the mainstream media, bringing different lived experiences into the conversation.
In his report released last month, Johnston said he investigated the allegations in depth and assessed whether the Liberal government had ignored threats or advice from national security agencies. Let’s quickly go over the main points from the report. First, Johnston says “foreign governments are undoubtedly attempting to influence candidates and voters in Canada.” Second, some leaked materials were “misconstrued” in media reports. Third, there are serious gaps in the intelligence-sharing “machinery” of the government. Fourth, a public inquiry cannot be held, he says, due to the classified nature of information in the case, but public hearings will be. The former governor general also said there is no evidence supporting the claim that 2021 Conservative candidates lost because of foreign interference. And finally, that Toronto MP Han Dong did not recommend the detention of Canadians Michael Kovrig and Michael Spavor. Dong has since been re-invited to the Liberal caucus by Trudeau, as reported by multiple ethnic media outlets, including Sing Tao Vancouver, Ming Pao Toronto, CFC News, CHIN TV Ora Qui, and CHIN FM 100.7 Italian. Johnston’s final report was due by the end of October, but now someone else has to take up the mantle.
The problem lies in Johnston's choice to forgo a public inquiry, which hampered full transparency with the Canadian public. Lingering concerns continue to revolve around the fear and isolation felt by the Chinese Canadian community, which has been subjected to heightened scrutiny based on their connections to their country of origin.
And while we can certainly criticize the system, it is crucial to recognize that it is not broken; rather, it was intentionally designed to safeguard the interests of the powerful while leaving the most vulnerable individuals to fend for themselves.
A lot happened “in the system” in the weeks in the lead-up to Johnston’s report.
The Pierre Elliott Trudeau Foundation, established by friends and family of Pierre Trudeau, came under fire for being part of a “Chinese-directed influence operation targeting” PM Trudeau, as The Globe and Mail puts it. Founding member of the Pierre Elliott Trudeau Foundation and the PM’s younger brother, Alexandre Trudeau, dismissed reports that the charity was the target of foreign interference; he said the two Chinese men who made donations are respected and admired in China. But does this dismiss the possibility that, liked and respected as they may be, the sizeable donation was an attempt to influence Trudeau and his family on behalf of the Chinese government?
For what it is worth, Trudeau says the donations were negotiated before his brother became prime minister, as Tamil Radio Channel CMR FM and the Chinese Sing Tao Vancouver report. The foundation also claims it returned the payments of $140,000.
On the other hand, Chinese diplomat Zhao Wei is accused of being part of efforts by his government to target Conservative MP Michael Chong and his family following Chong’s 2021 parliamentary motion calling on Canada to declare China’s treatment of the Uyghurs as genocide. Wei has since been declared “persona non grata” and expelled by Canada. In retaliation, the next day, China expelled Canadian diplomat Jennifer Lalonde in what it calls a “reciprocal countermeasure” for the “unscrupulous” expulsion of Wei.
The Cantonese radio station CHMB AM 1320 recently discussed the presence of 176 Chinese nationals with diplomatic credentials in Canada, raising concerns about China's "disproportionate attention" towards Canada. The radio station also suggested that there may be other diplomats who have potentially "crossed the line," while Michel Juneau-Katsuya, the former CSIS Asia-Pacific chief, stated that a majority of Chinese diplomats in Canada are allegedly involved in espionage. Sing Tao, the Chinese daily, further reported that "some national security experts” believe the significant disparity in numbers could indicate that “diplomatic influence has tipped over into interference."
In his 55-page report and presentation on May 23, Johnston substantiated that there are “serious shortcomings in the way intelligence is communicated and processed from security agencies through to government,” but found no evidence of negligence or tolerance on behalf of public officials - this was, as CBC put it, “the most explosive insinuation made by the opposition.” Johnston added that media reports about interference lacked context and key information, and suggested that opposition leaders get classified briefings and review the intelligence he saw. In some cases, he says, the reporting was completely false.
None of this has gone down well with opposition parties who have blasted Johnston's recommendation and renewed their demands for a public inquiry.
The Urdu Voice of Canada raises an important question: What evidence supported Johnston's recommendation against a public inquiry? We were asked to simply accept his word without concrete evidence. Johnston's own reputation is damaged with accusations of conflict of interest. He and Trudeau are self-declared friends. This has led to Poilievre labelling Johnston’s job as “fake” and referring to him as the prime minister’s “ski buddy” and “cottage neighbour.” Bloc Leader Yves-François Blanchet and Jagmeet Singh also voiced concerns about the rapporteur’s credibility given his personal connection to the Trudeau family. Johnston’s response? He said MPs’ repeated attack on his credibility does not make the allegations “true.”
Poilievre had declined to meet with the rapporteur, citing limitations on his ability to publicly share classified information. Certainly, he must also fear that meeting Johnston would lend credibility to his point of view. The Conservative leader also rejected the offer of a top security clearance to review the intelligence that informed Johnston's report, arguing he didn’t want to be “silenced” and prevented from sharing information publicly.
As the pressure heated up, several ethnic media revealed that Johnston hired a communications firm known for its crisis communication to support him and taxpayers footed this bill. Johnston’s appointment was contentious to begin with. Jagmeet Singh, leader of the NDP, has been a vocal critic of his, accusing him of being “tone deaf” in his refusal to step down, despite most MPs adopting an NDP motion for Johnston to step down from his role. For several weeks, Singh has been facing criticism of his own too - for dismissing calls to end his party's deal with the Liberals. Singh says that confidence in the electoral process must be restored before making any decisions that could lead to a Canadian election, but many are wondering why he chooses to stay loyal to Trudeau over performing his duty as a public official.
Amidst these rapidly unfolding events, it is crucial to consider the impact on the Chinese Canadian community, which has been the target of Chinese meddling. This community has been facing fear, stigmatization, and alienation. Their connections to China have come under scrutiny, which contradicts Canada's claim of valuing multicultural communities and embracing diversity. It is important to support diasporas from oppressive regimes rather than alienate them in Canada.
Two days after Johnston's speech, a Mandarin news channel aired a segment quoting legal experts that appointing a judge with full subpoena powers, instead of relying solely on the advice of Johnston, would instil greater trust in the government's handling of Chinese state interference. According to them, conducting a comprehensive public inquiry into China's meddling in Canadian politics would help restore public faith in Ottawa's commitment to addressing this matter seriously.
Former Conservative MP Kenny Chiu, who has been a target of Beijing, expressed his disappointment in Johnston's decision not to call for an inquiry. The former MP has blamed Beijing's alleged election meddling for losing his seat in the 2021 election. He claims to have been the target of propaganda and disinformation on WeChat, a Chinese-owned messaging app, where information circulated that his private member's bill would unfairly target Chinese Canadians. Johnston’s report acknowledges the disinformation about Chiu, but - the CBC writes - it cannot be linked to a “state-sponsored source.”
Appearing before the Procedure and House Affairs Committee earlier this month, Johnston expressed his eagerness to get on with the job and hold public hearings as early as July. The hearing began with a focus on his connections with the prime minister and his family, his connection with the Pierre Elliott Trudeau Foundation and his legal advisor’s past donations to the Liberal Party. He stressed that his opinions in his report were his alone. Singh personally took part in the hearing too and questioned the basis for Johnston’s assessment that the prime minister and his ministers did not knowingly or negligently fail to act. Johnston, in response, acknowledged the shortcomings of the government and admitted that they have been “slow to react, slow to anticipate in many instances.” He emphasized the need for changes to address these shortcomings.
On June 1, a Cantonese news segment commented that concerns about foreign interference in Canada's democratic process continue. The same day, the Urdu weekly Pakistan Post reported that Michael Chan, a former Ontario cabinet minister implicated in intelligence leaks related to Chinese interference, is suing CSIS, alleging public humiliation based on “stereotypical typecasting of immigrants born in China as being somehow untrustworthy.” Furthermore, on June 5, Italian paper Corriere Canadese reported that three out of four Canadians don’t trust Johnston while 47% disapprove of the Trudeau government's handling of the situation.
Our story is about trust. Trust in immigrants. Trust in democratic institutions. Trust in the ability to find truth. The primary criticism against Johnston was centred around his blind spot for Trudeau given their friendship. Even if he could exercise unbiased judgement in this matter, would it not have been reasonable for us to wish the Prime Minister had chosen someone else for the task, someone with whom he had no prior personal connection? And though Johnston is headed out the door, one wonders what kind of precedent has already been set.
Chinese Canadians say they want action on foreign agent registry, not lengthy public hearings, reports Mandarin Talent Vision TV. What happens now, considering we have established the existence of foreign political influence in Canada? To what extent has the purpose of a public inquiry truly been focused on safeguarding national interests, and to what extent has it been motivated by a desire to shield oneself from criticism?
Amidst these circumstances, it is essential for us to introspect and question ourselves: Is Canada adopting the American policy towards China? Shouldn't we establish our own independent policy? While we acknowledge that China's lack of democracy is not in line with our values, it is crucial to determine where we draw the line.
This inquiry holds significance because the Canada-China cold war has extended its impact to various economic sectors. According to a Mandarin news channel, the University of Waterloo is terminating its research partnership with the Chinese tech giant Huawei due to mounting concerns about the interference. This action is aimed at protecting the integrity of scientific research at the institution. Additionally, The Toronto Star reports that Canada intends to publicly identify “foreign-state-connected universities, research institutes, and laboratories” that pose a risk to national security. Such a move could potentially lead to a loss of $100 million or more for the Canadian research community.
Moreover, Canadian public pension funds' investments in China have also come under scrutiny. CP24 has highlighted allegations that some of these investments are financing the oppression of China's Uyghur minority. Consequently, tensions have seeped into the lobster industry as well. A Mandarin news channel reports that a Member of Parliament from Nova Scotia has expressed concerns about the increasing Chinese influence and control over the province's lobster industry supply chain.
As a country heavily reliant on trade, Canada's survival is closely tied to its relationship with China. According to a University of Alberta analysis, Canada imported a record $100 billion worth of goods from China by the end of 2022, up from $86 billion in the previous year. Canadian exports to China also reached a record high of $20.6 billion. Carlo Dade, Director of the Trade & Investment Centre, has emphasized the need for Canada to strengthen its engagement with China. With trade accounting for two-thirds of Canada's gross domestic product, the country must interact with China, the world's second-largest economy, to meet its domestic needs.
However, challenges have arisen in this relationship. For instance, the Chinese ban on Canadian beef, which was initially expected to be temporary, has remained in place for 17 months. China has been blocking beef shipments from Canadian processing plants since an atypical case of BSE (bovine spongiform encephalopathy) was discovered on an Alberta farm in December 2021. The fact that China has lifted similar restrictions against beef imports from other countries suggests that politics may be playing a role in the prolonged ban.
While Canada cannot afford to completely isolate itself from China, it needs to establish boundaries and frameworks to minimize espionage activities. The strained relations between the two countries will have an impact on Canadian businesses that have expanded into China in recent years, such as Canada Goose, Lululemon, and Tim Hortons. Additionally, the tourism industry will be affected. In 2019, over 700,000 Chinese tourists visited Canada, according to Destination Canada. As Trade & Investment Centre Director Dade says, “As we've learned in Western Canada, even if you run outside of China, you still encounter China.”
Overall, Canada must navigate its relationship with China carefully, finding a balance between safeguarding its interests and maintaining vital economic ties.
As highlighted by Bhagwant Sandhu in the Hill Times, the United States may be in an “existential funk” with China, but there is no need for us to share the same “anxiety and paranoia.” Our European allies certainly have gone a different way. French President Emmanuel Macron during his visit to Beijing in April emphasized France's pursuit of its own strategic interests. Why can’t Canada do the same?
It could help the Liberals in the polls, come election day. A Tagalog news channel reports on an Angus Reid (pre-Johnston) poll that 52% of respondents believe a public inquiry into foreign interference is necessary. Another pre-Johnston report by Nanos Research suggests that if an election were to occur now, the Conservatives would secure 35.5% of the votes, the Liberals 26.7%, and the NDP 21.8%. A poll by Abacus Data puts the Conservatives at 33% of Canadians, the Liberals at 30%, and the NDP at 18%.
Once again, the central issue revolves around trust in Canadian democratic institutions, which is currently not in favour of the ruling party, as shown by the polls.
Ultimately, the proposed public hearings and the findings by special rapporteur Johnston will continue to haunt the government in the coming months. But our focus should now be on the public's trust in democracy, rather than partisan politics. The overarching question, and one that we will continue in the next blog in the series, remains whether Canada's democratic system is robust enough to withstand interference from external or internal forces.